The nexus of oil, war and humanitarian catastrophe is an
opportunity for the powers involved (increasingly Beijing) to come together to
press for a solution
By GEORGE CLOONEY AND JOHN PRENDERGAST
A photograph taken March 3, 2012 shows environmental damages caused by bombs which hit El Nar oil field in Unity State, South Sudan on February 29.
On
the surface, our recent trip to the rebel-held areas of Sudan’s Nuba Mountains
hauntingly echoed earlier visits to Darfur and South Sudan. A huge group of
people—targeted by their government in Khartoum because of their ethnicity, the
rich land they live on, and their resistance to dictatorship — are being
serially bombarded, raped, abducted, and starved in this case for the second
time in the last two decades. The culprit remains the same as well: the
Khartoum regime led by General Omar al-Bashir, wanted by the International
Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. This human rights catastrophe
within Sudan is unfolding alongside a virtual state of war between Sudan and
South Sudan, playing itself out in the border oilfields not far from the Nuba
Mountains.
A
closer look, however, reveals three startlingly new dynamics that together
provide an unprecedented opportunity for peacemaking in the region, even as
wider war threatens. If this chance is missed, and conflict between Sudan and
South Sudan intensifies, the result will undoubtedly be the deadliest
conventional war on the face of the earth.
First,
the South Sudan government in Juba has shut off the oil wells providing both
governments with most of their income, as the bulk of the oil flows from South
Sudan’s oil wells through Sudan’s pipeline. Both countries face economic
catastrophe as a result, with collapsed currencies, hyper-inflation, and
massive food deficits likely as state treasuries are emptied. This introduces
new urgency for a comprehensive peace deal that addresses the outstanding
issues between the two states as well as creating a process to resolve the
parallel civil war within Sudan taking place in the Nuba Mountains, Darfur and
other restive regions. As President Salva Kiir told us, “We didn’t shut down
the oil indefinitely. We want a solution.”
Second,
China’s interests are evolving. Before South Sudan gained its independence last
year, China reflexively defended its commercial partner in Khartoum,
frustrating international efforts to press the Sudanese regime for peace or
human rights compromises. Since the bulk of the oil now lies south of Sudan’s
new border, China must deal with both countries to secure a continuing return
on its $20 billion oil sector investment. Peace is very much in China’s
national interest.
Third,
the ongoing crisis in Sudan and South Sudan has historically been a
humanitarian concern. But the shutoff of South Sudan’s production has an impact
on global energy supplies, and thus, as both President Barack Obama and Senator
Richard Lugar pointed out recently, on the price of gas at U.S. pumps. China
was reliant on over 6% of its daily imports from the Sudans, but now has to dip
into global markets to meet that shortfall. Getting Sudanese supply back on the
market is even more imperative due to intensifying U.S. efforts to sanction
Iran’s oil exports. Suddenly it is in the national interest of the U.S. and
other major oil importers to help secure a deal to counter energy price
inflation.
We
hope Khartoum can be pressured to stop using starvation as a war weapon by
opening aid access to the Nuba Mountains and other areas in extreme need. We
also heard repeatedly from Nuba civilians hiding in caves that their most
urgent need is to end the Sudan regime’s bombing of their villages and farms.
The
above three new dynamics provide a chance to end the bombing and starvation
once and for all. The nature of Chinese engagement may hold the key. As the two
largest energy consumers in the world, China and the U.S. share a common
interest in Sudanese peace. Beijing has more influence than anyone in both Juba
and Khartoum. In the aftermath of their meeting in South Korea, Presidents
Obama and Hu have a golden opportunity to deepen strategic cooperation to
buttress foundering African Union mediation. More visible efforts are required
in the form of a joint task force or shared leadership of a small group of
influential countries that throw their collective weight behind specific
African proposals. Such proposals need to more comprehensively address the
interlocking economic and political issues that fuel instability within and
between Sudan and South Sudan. Beijing and Washington need to quickly formalize
their partnership. Lasting peace in that region will not come easily or
quickly.
African
mediation lacks hardball leverage. In addition to deeper Sino-American
cooperation, further influence could be created if the U.S. and interested
allies initiate a hard target search for the assets of Sudanese war criminals
and their commercial interests. If those assets can’t be frozen, they should be
publicized so that those most responsible for continuing cycles of conflict can
be exposed to their own publics for how much oil money they have stolen over
the years in the war economy they created.
Missing
this window of opportunity for peace may result in a few more pennies at the pump
in the U.S. and Europe, but for the Sudans it could cost millions of lives.
-This article was published in TIME on 13/04/2012
-George Clooney and John Prendergast are co-founders of the Satellite Sentinel Project (SSP), a partnership between the Enough Project, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, and DigitalGlobe. The SSP has documented evidence that forces with the government of Sudan razed five towns and villages and bombarded civilians in the border areas of Abyei, South Kordofan and Blue Nile state
-George Clooney and John Prendergast are co-founders of the Satellite Sentinel Project (SSP), a partnership between the Enough Project, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, and DigitalGlobe. The SSP has documented evidence that forces with the government of Sudan razed five towns and villages and bombarded civilians in the border areas of Abyei, South Kordofan and Blue Nile state
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