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Sunday, September 25, 2011
Is Netanyahu The New Caligula?
Like his address to Congress in May, Netanyahu gave a bravado
speech that was both delusional and detrimental to the wider cause of Israel.
By Ilana Bet-El
Roman emperor Caligula was reputed to have waged war on Poseidon, God of the
Sea, displaying chests of seashells as “treasure” in a victory march; he was
also reputed to have been mad. Benjamin Netanyahu is not mad, but his campaigns
definitely bring this anecdote to mind: deploying hundreds of policeman in Ben
Gurion Airport to stop “left wing activists” from entering Israel; lecturing
the U.S. president on camera on his right to state U.S. policy; and now,
fighting the Palestinian attempt to attain U.N. recognition.
three events carry an identical imprimatur of deploying disproportionate means
against much weaker or constrained opponents, then claiming an immense victory–
which to many around the world, including much of Israel, appears to be
delusional, at best, or downright detrimental, at worst. And there can be no
doubt the official Israeli position on the U.N. vote on Palestine belongs
firmly in the latter – but not in the Netanyahu bubble, which functions on its
own three distinct lines of logic.
Netanyahu has no interest in the Palestinian issue in itself: it is a side show
to his true ideological bent – which is to prove that Ben Gurion and the
left-leaning establishment of the time made a historic mistake in agreeing to
the division of Palestine in order to establish a Jewish state in 1948. His
fight is to change history: to show the right was right, the Holy Land could be
kept whole as the home of the Jewish people, and that to this end all means,
including violence in every form, were and remain justified. U.N. recognition
of a Palestinian state would void that aim. Worse still, by seeking the vote,
the Abbas-led Palestinians are effectively burying their own historic stance,
and officially accepting the division of the land into two states. This is a
rerun of 1948, but not as Netanyahu envisions.
Netanyahu is a connoisseur of weakness: his true and possibly sole political
talent lies in finding the weakness of his opponent and hammering it
mercilessly. Faced with strength, he crumbles – especially when dealing with
his coalition partners. Indeed, his biggest partner, Foreign Minister Avigdor
Lieberman, is his biggest problem since he is his diametric opposite: a bruiser
and a bully who despises weakness. He is well known to despise Netanyahu, and
glories in taking on much bigger opponents such as Turkish Prime Minister
Erdogan. In his ex-Soviet fashion, he believes in strength for the sake of
strength, no matter the cost – which to Israel, is often great.
occasionally allows his office to brief off-the-record against Lieberman, but
on the whole he appears helpless when dealing with him. So he escapes abroad,
preferably into the arms of the U.S. neo-cons, to whom he sold his soul many
years ago – which is the third point. Netanyahu may be the prime minister of
Israel, but his political masters sit in Washington D.C., utilizing him in
their own battles with Obama and the Democrats. Whether inviting him to address
Congress while Obama was out of the U.S., or driving a U.S. veto on the
Palestinian vote, Republicans are happy to use Netanyahu in order to shame the
current administration. The immense strategic cost this incurs to the U.S. does
not seem to interest them in the least.
together, these points may be bleak, but they also may explain why Netanyahu is
willing to drive a position in the U.N. that isolates Israel and weakens the
U.S.: he has no choice. He is too weak a politician to do otherwise, and too
bound with the historical narrative of the right-wing founding fathers of
Israel (including his own father, who is now 101 years old). He is but a vessel
of others – who can talk the talk, and leaves others to walk the walk.
far Netanyahu has gotten away with this, because the Israeli political system
is even more broken than that of the U.S., allowing him to use his talent for
weakness to the best effect. But things changed this summer, with two months of
mass protests focused on social issues. Even now, with the U.N. vote being
promoted by the government as an existential threat, the social movement is
ploughing ahead, refusing to be budged by the usual scare tactics of “security
threats.” Netanyahu does not really understand this shift. He lives in his
bubble of advisors, oligarchs and right-wing U.S. backers, Jewish and gentile.
he has cynically used the Israeli electoral system to twice get elected, then
ride roughshod over the greater national interests in order to service his
narrow array of constituencies, he cannot understand that another Israel is out
there, not so much disagreeing with him as thoroughly fed up with him, his
government and everything he represents. This is not, as Benny Morris
suggested, the end of Israel – this is Israel at a turning point.
than pander to Netanyahu, President Obama would do well to appeal to this
constituency. So far, the only people he has never directly addressed are the
Israelis. Netanyahu went over Obama’s head to address the U.S. Congress; the
president should do the same and address the Israeli public. Assured of his
friendship and U.S.-backing in the rocky road ahead, the protesting Israelis
would have the courage to force Netanyahu to take the necessary steps to secure
their future in the region – or else get rid of him. After all, one of the few
facts known of Caligula was that despite his early popularity, it was his own
guard that ended his reign.
-This commentary was published in The Daily Best on 24/09/2011
-Ilana Bet-El is a Brussels based political analyst and historian, and
co-author of The Age of Insecurity (forthcoming)