Washington’s hawks are giving Israel a big bear hug. But at least
half of Israel doesn’t want their support.
By Fania Oz-Salzberger
U.S. House Speaker John Boehner with Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu., Jonathan Ernst / Reuters-Landov
“Dear
God,” some thoroughly secular Israelis are saying these days, “save me from my
friends; I can deal with my enemies myself.”
As
the Palestinian-statehood bid approaches at the U.N., Israel is gripped by a
sense of numb insularity. The Netanyahu-Liberman government is wading into the
crisis with no creative alternative and zero prospects for solving either the
old feud with the Palestinians or the recent ones with Turkey, Egypt, and
Jordan. Reeling from a heady summer filled with peaceful protests for socioeconomic
justice (all of which boosted civic optimism), Israelis are facing a gloomy
autumn of diplomatic crisis, isolation, and conflict.
Yet
this insularity comes with a strange self-assurance that many right-wing
Israelis flaunt and many center-to-left Israelis loathe. And Benjamin Netanyahu
gives quintessential voice to that attitude: America loves us; and soon, for
they believe Obama is on his way out, it will love us even more.
A
bear hug from the hawkish side of Washington is nothing new to right-wing Israeli
governments. Many believe that George W. Bush helped stall Israeli-Palestinian
peace talks by injecting nationalist hubris into the veins of Sharon, Olmert,
and Netanyahu. A sense of entitlement surrounds Likud and right-of-Likud
politicians as they hammer on with their settlement-expansion and “no partner”
mantra, in the face of the Arabs, the peace-brokering international Quartet,
and the global community. Obama—at first feared by the Israeli right—is
increasingly seen as a mere blip on the radar, promptly counterbalanced by
Congress, in the trail of Washington’s unerring support for an uncompromising
Israel.
Indeed,
the new generation of pro-Israeli Republican hopefuls is dwarfing its
predecessors with a pungent mix of messianic Christianity and a misplaced love
of Zion. It feels like Rick Perry and Michele Bachmann are competing to win the
prize for more-Israeli-than-thou.
During
a visit to Israel in August 2009, Perry told The Jerusalem Post he was “a big
believer that this country was given to the people of Israel a long time ago,
by God, and that’s ordained.” And as one comment on the Israeli newspaper
Haaretz website declared, “A Republican Christian is better than the Moslem
currently inhabiting the White House.” Increasingly isolated in the Middle
East, Israelis of the epic-heroic cast of mind cling to the rock offered by
their evangelical-Christian friends.
But
for many in the Israeli community, American Republican backing comes at a price
they are unwilling to pay. Even extreme-right commentators, mostly Jewish
Orthodox, are beginning to wonder whether one should embrace Christian love,
dovetailing so well with West Bank settlement lore, from a politician like Perry—who
doesn’t seem able to tell his Gideon from his Armageddon.
Nor
are many starry-eyed about Bachmann; when she says that our two countries
“share the same exceptional mission, to be a light to the nations,” secular
liberal Israelis cringe. Their way of being a light unto the nations is through
high-tech innovation and this summer’s peaceful, sophisticated social-reform
movement. When offered Bachmann’s “city on the hill,” a majority of Israelis
still prefer their earthly Tel Aviv on its coastal plateau. In fact, Israelis
can tell their American peers one or two things about Bible-fed political
jargon. God’s finger has all too often been summoned into our politics. And
when Bachmann compares the U.S. debt situation to the Holocaust, Israelis can
only nod wisely: been there, done that, heard our politicians heighten hysteria
with hyperbole.
The
deep question is really this: why do these “friends of Israel” understand
what’s good for Israel in a way so sharply divergent from the hopes of at least
half the Israelis? How come this “love of Israel” is so clearly on the side of
eternal occupation and rampant nationalism? Why is mainstream Israel, high-tech
Israel, socially aware Israel, humanist-Zionist Israel, everything that Tel
Aviv stands for, so far removed from the evangelical Republican core?
-This commentary was published in The Newsweek on 18/09/2011- Fania Oz-Salzberger is an Israeli writer and historian, professor
at the University of Haifa and Leon Liberman Chair in Modern Israel Studies at
Monash University. She is the author of Israelis in Berlin (2001) and has
published numerous academic and opinion articles
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