Culturally, ideologically and financially, it has moved towards
greater identification with its north African and Middle Eastern neighbours
By Knox Chitiyo
For
decades, Libya has been an integral part of Africa. Indeed Sirte, the Colonel
Gaddafi stronghold where fighting still continues, was the birthplace of the
Organisation of African Unity in 1963. About a quarter of indigenous Libyans
are black, while African migrant workers in Libya exceed one million; and
during his 40-year rule Gaddafi championed pan-Africanism and African
multiculturalism.
But
the Libyan uprising has also become an ugly race war. The rebels were angry
that black African mercenaries were hired to buttress the old regime even
though most of them were actually migrant workers or indigenous black Libyan
soldiers. And a misperception has taken hold of all black Africans being
mercenaries which has led to the persecution of African immigrants and black
Libyans. Human Rights Watch and the African Union have called for an end to
brutal reprisals, including torture, mass killings and arbitrary arrest. Many
attacks seem premeditated. This has led to the question: can Libya still be
seen as an "African" country?
The
revolution has moved Libya into the democratic wave of the Arab spring. There
will be continued interactions between Libya and Africa; but culturally,
ideologically and financially, Libya has moved towards a greater identification
with its north African, Middle Eastern and south Mediterranean neighbours.
Libya is embracing its Arab heritage.
In
a way this should be no surprise: Gaddafi's embrace of pan-Africanism, while
popular south of the Sahara, had little backing from Libyans. But the question
of support for Libya's revolution has divided sub-Saharan Africa.
Only
20 of the African Union's 53 member nations have so far recognised the National
Transitional Council. The AU itself has not yet recognised the NTC. But in
addition there is a genuine sense of grievance that UN Resolution 1973, which
authorised "necessary force" to protect civilians, has been used to
bring about regime change. And the reprisals against black Africans have stoked
anger across the continent. Nevertheless, the outcome of the recent AU meeting
in South Africa hints at a likely recognition of the NTC, and a new
partnership.
New
insurgencies
There
is much at stake in how this relationship plays out. The NTC will need Africa's
assistance to prevent dissidents from using neighbouring countries as bases for
new insurgencies. There will also have to be discussions between the NTC and
its neighbours on African immigration, including the situation for African
refugees for decades, Libya has been a staging post for African migrants trying
to cross the Mediterranean.
In
addition there is the threat that, at some point, NTC and rebel military
leaders could find themselves arraigned alongside Gaddafi's former commanders,
on trial for abuses against civilians.
If
Libya is to retain its vital African migrant labour force and African goodwill,
it will have to improve its treatment of African workers. But Africa has also
had to get real. Libya's role as the ideological and financial engine of Africa
has ended, but the continent should not punish the Libyan people for this, or
for receiving western support.
Africa's
civil society and business leaders have already recognised that the new Libya
is not "owned" by Africa. There are deals to be done, and Africa
cannot afford to be on the wrong side of history. The AU needs to understand
that its failure to speak out against the use of black mercenaries to kill
Libyans, and its heralding of Gaddafi as a "brother leader" during
its visit in April, cost it dearly in terms of credibility.
The
momentous changes of the Arab spring herald the emergence of a new African
dynamic. Pan-Africanist ideals of solidarity and African empowerment continue
to resonate; but we may also be moving towards a "post-Africanism" —
an Africa which sees itself as part of an interlinked global community. Thus
Africa should not wallow in Afro-pessimism about "losing Libya". We
never "had" Libya. The new Libya, warts and all, is an opportunity
for Africa, not a threat to be punished. Africa should engage with the new
Libya and, in so doing, with itself.
-This commentary was published in The Gulf News on 21/09/2011
-Knox Chitiyo is head of the Africa programme at the Royal United Services Institute, London
-Knox Chitiyo is head of the Africa programme at the Royal United Services Institute, London
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