There's a rebellion against US-Israeli policies — in effect a
rebellion against their hegemony in the region
By Patrick Seale
The
Arab Spring is not the only revolution in town. The toppling of dictators in
Tunisia, Egypt and Libya; the mounting death toll in Syria and Yemen, where the
outcome is still undecided; the revival of long-suppressed Islamic movements
demanding a share of power; the struggle by young revolutionaries to re-invent
the Arab state — all these dramatic developments have distracted attention from
another revolution of equal significance.
It
is the challenge being mounted by the region’s heavyweights —Turkey, Saudi
Arabia, Egypt and Iran — against the hegemony which the United States and
Israel have sought to exercise over them for more than half a century.
When
David Ben-Gurion declared Israel’s independence on May 14, 1948, he held the
view that the country’s security could be assured only if it were militarily
stronger than any possible Arab combination. This became Israel’s security
doctrine. The desired hegemony was achieved by the prowess of Israel’s armed
forces, but also by Israel’s external alliances first with France, then with
the US.
Military
superiority won Israel outstanding victories in the 1948 and 1967 wars, a less
resounding victory in 1973, still more contentiously by its invasions of
Lebanon in 1978, 1982 and 2006, and more reprehensively by its operation of
unashamed brutality against Gaza in 2008-9 — to mention only the most
significant among a host of other Israeli attacks, incursions and onslaughts
against its neighbours over the past several decades.
In
its early years, Israel’s hegemony was reinforced by its so-called ‘periphery’
doctrine — its attempt to neutralise the Arabs by concluding strategic
alliances with neighbouring non-Arab states such as Turkey and the Shah’s Iran.
Its 1979 peace treaty with Egypt also proved a vital asset over the past three
decades, since it removed the most powerful country from the Arab line-up.
The
collapse of Soviet power in 1989-91 contributed to the Arabs’ disarray, as did
the huge success of pro-Israeli Americans in penetrating almost every
institution of the American government, whether at state or federal level, most
notably the US Congress. The message these advocates conveyed was that the
interests of America and Israel were identical and their alliance ‘unshakable.’
Over
the past forty years, the United States has provided Israel with sustained
political and diplomatic support, as well as massive financial and military
assistance, including a guarantee, enshrined in American law, of Israel’s
Qualitative Military Edge (QME) – that is to say a US pledge to guarantee
Israel’s ability to defeat any challenge from any of its neighbours.
Even
9/11 was turned to Israel’s advantage in convincing American opinion that
Palestinian resistance to Israel was terrorism, no different from that which
America itself had suffered! There followed George W. Bush’s catastrophic
militarisation of American foreign policy, and the invasion, occupation and
destruction of Iraq on fraudulent premises, largely engineered by neo-cons such
as Paul Wolfowitz, Douglas Feith and their colleagues at the Pentagon and in
the Vice-President’s office, concerned above all to remove any possible threat
to Israel from Saddam Hussain’s Iraq.
The
US has sought to protect Israel’s regional nuclear monopoly by harsh sanctions
against Iran, because of its nuclear activities, as well as joint US-Israeli
sabotage operations, such as the infiltration into Iranian computers of the
Stuxnet virus. Washington has turned a blind eye to Israel’s assassination of
Iranian scientists, and has followed Israel in demonising resistance movements
such as Hezbollah and Hamas as terrorist organisations.
America’s
most grievous mistake, however — the source of great harm to itself, to Israel,
and to peace and stability in the Middle East — has been to tolerate Israel’s
continued occupation and dispossession of the Palestinians. These policies have
aroused intense hate of Israel in the Arab and Muslim world and great anger at
its superpower protector.
We
are now witnessing a rebellion against these policies by the region’s
heavyweights — in effect a rebellion against American and Israeli hegemony as
spectacular as the Arab Spring itself. The message these regional powers are
conveying is that the Palestine question can no longer be neglected. Israel’s
land grab on the West Bank and its siege of Gaza must be ended. The
Palestinians must at last be given a chance to create their own state. Their
plight weighs heavily on the conscience of the world.
Turkey,
long a strategic ally of Israel, has now broken with it. Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan has denounced it as ‘the West’s spoilt child’. In a passionate
speech in Cairo, he warned Israel that it must ‘pay for its aggression and
crimes’. Supporting the Palestinians in their efforts to gain UN recognition as
a state was, he declared, not an option but an ‘obligation’.
Warning
Prince
Turki Al Faisal, a leading member of the Saudi Royal family and former
intelligence chief, has publicly warned the United States that if it casts its
veto against the Palestinian bid for statehood, it risks losing an ally. In a
widely-noted article in the International Herald Tribune on 12 September, he
wrote that ‘Saudi Arabia would no longer be able to cooperate with America’ in
the way it has since the Second World War. The ‘Special Relationship’ between
the two countries ‘would increasingly be seen as toxic by the vast majority of
Arabs and Muslims, who demand justice for the Palestinian people.’
Last
week, the American-brokered 1979 Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty — a key
underpinning of Israel’s regional hegemony — came under open criticism from
Egypt itself. The treaty was ‘not a holy book’, said Egypt’s prime minister, Dr
Essam Sharaf. It would need to be revised. Amr Mousa, the leading candidate for
the Egyptian presidency, has called for the treaty’s military annexes to be
reviewed so as to allow Egyptian troops to be deployed in Sinai.
As
for Iran, denunciation of the US and Israel can be expected from President
Ahmadinejad when he addresses the UN General Assembly. The failure to engage
with Iran — demonising it as a threat to the whole world, rather than working
to incorporate it into the security architecture of the Gulf region — has been
one of Obama’s gravest policy mistakes.
Turkey,
Iran and Egypt, heirs to ancient civilisations, are thus asserting themselves
against what they see as an Israeli upstart. Saudi Arabia, the region’s oil and
financial giant, guardian of Islam’s holiest sites, is breaking free from the
constraints of the American alliance.
Israel
stands accused. Will it heed the message or shoot the messenger? If true to its
past form, it might well try to fight its way out of the box in which it now
finds itself, further destabilising the region and attracting to itself further
opprobrium.
As
for the United States, bound hand and foot by Israeli interests, it seems to
have abdicated the leading role in the Arab-Israeli peace process it has played
for so long — but with so little effect. Disillusion with President Barack
Obama is now total. Others must now take up the baton. Many believe the time
has come to break the dangerous stalemate with some coercive diplomacy. Will
Europe take up the challenge?
-This commentary was published in The GULF NEWS on 23/09/2011
-Patrick Seale is a commentator and author of several books on Middle East affairs
-Patrick Seale is a commentator and author of several books on Middle East affairs
No comments:
Post a Comment