By Rami G. Khouri
A Palestinian woman chants slogan during a rally supporting the Palestinian statehood bid in front of the United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process offices in Gaza City on Thursday (AP photo by Adel Hana)
It
remains to be seen what actually changes on the ground in the months ahead
following the Palestinian initiative to ask the United Nations to recognize a
Palestinian state in the 1967 Israeli-occupied territories as a U.N. member or
observer state. The move could be a substantive gain for the Palestinian
people, merely a symbolic victory, or a measurable setback if the United States
and Israel translate their vindictive rhetoric into hard policies. While we
wait for the impact of the U.N. move to become clearer, we should acknowledge
nevertheless that this has been a historic week in several ways.
The
most important new development that future historians will record is that this
last week in September represented the moment when the Arab-Israeli conflict
structurally transformed into the Arab conflict with Israel and the United
States, because of the profound and explicit manner in which the Obama
administration and others in Washington have come down on the side of Israel.
The
U.S. historically has tried, without much success but with visible endeavor
nevertheless, to express its support for Israel’s survival and security while
also trying to mediate a resolution of the conflict that sees the birth of a
Palestinian state in much of the lands occupied in 1967. That balancing act,
unconvincing as it was, is formally dead for now – repeatedly shot in the heart
by a firing squad of American politicians who have unleashed volleys of
shotguns at the weak and doomed phenomenon that was once called “American
mediation.”
The
U.S. has chosen to stand by Israel in two important ways: President Barack
Obama has made it clear that the White House values Israeli rights more than it
values Palestinian rights; and the Republican-dominated U.S. Congress has taken
on the mantle of being the representative of Zionism as well as of the American
people. Israel has moved from the phase of seeing its national wellbeing and
restoration in ancient times as the “city on a hill” to the situation today where
it relies for its national wellbeing on simply controlling The Hill, or the
American Congress.
The
new conflict that sees the Arab world confronting the Israeli-American combine
will not be fought with military means, as has been the case since 1947 during
the old Arab-Israeli conflict. This new conflict will see Arabs and their
supporters and friends exploring political and other peaceful means of standing
up to, resisting and challenging Israel and America in the same manner that the
world did with Apartheid South Africa decades ago.
The
reason for it is that the U.S. has now unambiguously shown that it accepts the
Israeli position on the existential issues of statehood, sovereignty and
national rights that form the heart of the Palestinian-Israeli and wider
Arab-Israeli conflict. Israel-America, a collective single political actor, has
squarely positioned itself beyond the confines of the immense and universal
legal and ethical sentiments that see the need to recognize a Palestinian state
as the best means to end the failed American-mediated bilateral negotiations
and seek justice and security for all sides in this conflict. Israel-America is
isolated and criminalized in the eyes of most of the world.
From
being the “new Jerusalem” that Israel-America often portrayed itself as, it is
now the “new South Africa.”
A
second historical development this month is that the Palestinians, Arabs and
most of the rest of the world no longer hesitate to confront Israel-America.
The immense power that Israel-America wields is no longer a deterrent to those
who disagree with it or wish to resist its excesses and its criminality against
Palestinians and other Arabs. That even a weak leader like Palestinian
President Mahmoud Abbas could resist the intense pressures, threats and bribes
that Israel-America subjected him to during the last several weeks indicates
that we have now entered the third intifada – directed against Israel-America’s
political position and not just against Israeli occupation.
The
implications of Palestinians and others fearlessly challenging Israel-America
will be immense, and will take months to clarify. If political moves like the
U.N. initiative are combined with popular civic disobedience and mass
resistance against Israel in every arena where it comes into contact with Arabs
– on its frontiers, in the West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem, inside Israel and
at Israeli embassies around the world – we are likely to see significant
pressures to design an entirely new mechanism to attempt to resolve the
Arab-Israeli conflict peacefully, which remains the preferred option for all.
These
are historic days in the Middle East, on every front: within the Arab
countries, in Turkish relations in the region, in the Arab-Israeli conflict, in
Arab interactions with the U.S., and perhaps also soon in new roles for Europe
or Russia in some form. The synthesis of these five domains will take some
years to become clear. When that happens, we will probably look back on this
month of September 2011 as the critical turning point in the behavior of the
key actors.
This commentary was published in The Daily Star on 24/09/2011
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