By Abigail Hauslohner in Tripoli
Libyan
rebels search a house in Tripoli, Libya, on Aug. 24, 2011 (Francois Mori / AP)
Fathi Sherrif is surprisingly good-humored for a man who spent 13 days struggling to breathe inside a steel container. "There was no food. No toilet. 'You don't have to pray because you don't know Allah. Gaddafi knows Allah.' — That's what they'd say to us," he says of his captors. Sherrif and his five brothers were thrown in jail last March for offering covert support to Libya's then nascent rebellion. But when the rebels breached the walls of Ain Zara prison two weeks ago, the 49-year-old businessman emerged as an influential player in the new Libya. His self-appointed task: hunting senior officials of Muammar Gaddafi's regime.
Fathi Sherrif is surprisingly good-humored for a man who spent 13 days struggling to breathe inside a steel container. "There was no food. No toilet. 'You don't have to pray because you don't know Allah. Gaddafi knows Allah.' — That's what they'd say to us," he says of his captors. Sherrif and his five brothers were thrown in jail last March for offering covert support to Libya's then nascent rebellion. But when the rebels breached the walls of Ain Zara prison two weeks ago, the 49-year-old businessman emerged as an influential player in the new Libya. His self-appointed task: hunting senior officials of Muammar Gaddafi's regime.
"We
have eyes everywhere. We have our people looking," he says from his new
makeshift office on the ground floor of Gaddafi's ransacked internal security
headquarters. Most of his men are former prisoners, their discipline and
dedication driven, at least in part, by personal vendetta. "We have
approximately 15 volunteers — they work out of their cars," Sherrif says.
"It's not that [National Transitional Council leader] Mustafa Abdel-Jalil
won't pay us, but we don't want it. We are working for free."
In
the post-Gaddafi Libya, the hunters have become the hunted.
In
just two weeks on the job, Sherrif estimates that his unit has captured some 35
high-value detainees, including several ministers and Gaddafi aides. "God
wants us to catch them alive," he says coolly. One of his captives was
Ahmed Ramadan, a top Gaddafi aide tagged by other senior regime officials as
the man responsible for relaying all of the dictator's orders until the fall of
Tripoli. Sherrif's men found Ramadan on a farm in Seraj, on Tripoli's
outskirts. And when they burst into the house where he had been hiding, they
say Ramadan pointed a gun at his head and tried to kill himself. He pulled the
trigger but somehow survived and was taken to Tripoli's central hospital. When
he stabilized, they moved him to Matega, a military base that rebels have
turned into their Tripoli command center and central prison facility.
Another
prisoner at Matega, they say, is Bashir Saleh, accused of being a regime bagman
and fixer who allegedly met with France's President Nicolas Sarkozy on
Gaddafi's behalf last month. But the process of bringing former regime
officials to justice is hardly an orderly affair. Sherrif's men were never
officially designated as a regime-hunting unit. But then again, there isn't one.
"I think it's really a disorganized process," says Fred Abrahams of
Human Rights Watch. "I don't have a sense that it's a coordinated process
or there's a special unit in charge."
Indeed,
the rebels' National Transitional Council is still in the process of relocating
its operations to Tripoli from their eastern stronghold of Benghazi; its
leader, Abdel-Jalil, arrived in the capital only on Saturday. And although a
Justice Minister exists ("Mr. Darat," Sherrif says. "I can't
remember his first name"), the transitional authorities are predominantly
focused on the threat of violence from Gaddafi's lingering strongholds,
restoring basic services and managing emerging political rifts within the rebel
ranks. So in the absence of functioning courts, lawyers — or even laws —
justice in the new Libya remains largely a vigilante affair.
Like
other self-appointed hunting squads, Sherrif's undertakes its own
interrogations before transferring its captives to Matega. On a recent weekday,
two of their newest captures are women charged with organizing and paying
"lady volunteers" to support the regime during the uprising, Sherrif
says. One headed Gaddafi's Ministry of Women's Affairs. They are currently
under interrogation "because when they talk, they give names, and names
are very important," he adds.
But
his biggest prizes, Hadi al-Berej and Mohamed Abdo, are sitting in a
ground-floor bedroom, where in their plain yellow djellabas and quiet passivity
they almost blend in with the furniture. The men's wan 67-year-old faces seem
to defy the positions of power they so recently held. But neither denies who he
is or what his job was. Al-Berej was the head of Gaddafi's security-operations
room, from which he coordinated security operations across the country. Abdo
was a member of that six-man control room as the head of Gaddafi's military
police and Abu Salim prison. Both men were captured on Aug. 30. They were
surprised when the rebels didn't kill them — a fact that Sherrif and other
rebel officials proudly trumpet to distinguish themselves from Gaddafi's
brutality.
But
Sherrif and his men have little sympathy for the men's insistence that they
were just following orders and trying to leave the regime. "These guys
have done a lot to us, and they don't want to say it," Sherrif says later.
"I have documents that Berej gave orders to burn 'the rats' — documents
signed by Berej to burn us."
Abrahams
of Human Rights Watch confirms that, at least by his observations, the
detainees have been well treated: "They received medicine and visitors.
The one complaint is the utter lack of judicial procedures. That's a larger
issue [for all detainees]. It's understandable."
Ad
hoc prisons have sprung up in schools and offices all over rebel-held
territory, which now encompasses most of populated Libya, holding suspected
mercenaries and Gaddafi loyalists. But the rebels have also sometimes swept up
foreign workers, particularly African migrants. And Abrahams says it has been
impossible to determine just how many prisoners of war there are because the
prisons are so loosely organized and random.
Sherrif
admits there is more work to be done. About 90 miles (145 km) to the southeast,
another group of rebel forces is engaged in a fight to conquer Bani Walid, a
regime stronghold where two of Gaddafi's sons and his spokesman are believed to
be hiding. The fact that they might still be there doesn't surprise Sherrif.
"You know the mouse?" he asks, launching into a metaphor. "He
puts his foot in the glue, and oh! He's stuck. So what does he do?"
Sherrif makes a struggling motion with his arms. "He puts his second foot
in the glue. And oh! Then the other foot, and then the other." Quickly,
the mouse has worsened his situation, all the while trying to extricate
himself. "That is what Gaddafi and his sons are doing right now,"
Sherrif says. One by one and day by day, he expects the Libyan rebels will catch
all of them.
This report published in The TIME on 13/09/2011
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