Obama pressures Israel to make concessions to the
Palestinians—while he arms Tel Aviv.
By Eli Lake
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (left) meets with President Barack Obama (right)., Jim Watson / AFP-Getty Images
Barack
Obama has spent his entire time in office urging the Israelis to make wrenching
concessions to the Palestinians, and the American Jewish community has
questioned his loyalty. But appearances can be deceiving.
At
the U.N. last week, Obama sided with Israel by pushing against the Palestinian
vote for statehood. Even more telling: behind the scenes Obama has pressed hard
to secure the Israeli state—through major military support.
Surrounded
by 15 Jewish-community leaders in the White House back in 2009, Obama chose his
words deliberately. He knew he faced suspicions after publicly pressing Israel
to give in to the Palestinians on housing settlements. A fraudulent election
that returned Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to power in Iran left Israelis even more
concerned about their security—and the new U.S. president’s intentions.
“I’ll
always be there for [Israel], but we are going to ask to make hard political
choices—settlements, borders,” Obama pointedly told attendees at the meeting.
His remarks were confirmed by Newsweek through interviews and notes taken by a
participant.
Rabbi
Eric Yoffie, a Reform Jewish leader, asked the president to explain why he
singled out Israel in public for criticism over its settlements rather than
keep disputes with an ally private. Obama grabbed for his then–chief of staff,
Rahm Emanuel, a longtime Israel supporter whose father was a member of the
Zionist militia known as the Irgun.
“Look,
we have some very smart people on this. Don’t think that we don’t understand
the nuances of the settlement issues. We do,” the president answered. “Rahm
understands the politics there, and he explains them to me.”
Here
was a U.S. president appearing to seek cover from his advisers and suggesting
he needed to be educated about Israel’s concerns. Many in the room left with
little satisfaction, a sentiment that persists to this day.
But
what participants didn’t know was that Obama had finally authorized military
deals the Israelis had been waiting for for years. It is support that has drawn
the two nations’ militaries increasingly close even as their leaders seem
politely distant.
The
aid, U.S. and Israeli officials confirmed to Newsweek, includes the
long-delayed delivery of 55 powerful GBU-28 Hard Target Penetrators, better
known as bunker-buster bombs, deemed important to any future military strike
against Iranian nuclear sites. It also includes a network of proposed radar
sites—some located in Arab neighbors—designed to help Israel repel a missile
attack, as well as joint military exercises and regular national-security
consultations.
“What
is unique in the Obama administration is their decision that in spite of the
disagreements on the political level, the military and intelligence
relationship which benefits both sides will not be spoiled by the political
tension,” says Amos Yadlin, former head of intelligence for the Israeli military.
He declined to discuss any secret military cooperation.
Even
some of the hawks from the George W. Bush administration grudgingly give Obama
credit for behind-the-scenes progress. “If you say to the White House, ‘Obama
has been very unfriendly to Israel,’ they say, ‘What do you mean? It’s the best
military-to-military relationship ever.’ And that part is true,” says Elliott
Abrams, who oversaw Middle East policy at the National Security Council. “If
you look at the trajectory from Clinton to Bush to Obama, the military
relationship has gotten steadily stronger. I don’t think Obama changed the
trajectory, but he certainly didn’t interfere with it, and it continued under
him.”
The
bunker busters were a significant breakthrough. The Israelis first requested
the sale in 2005, only to be rebuffed by the Bush administration. At the time,
the Pentagon had frozen almost all U.S.-Israeli joint defense projects out of
concern that Israel was transferring advanced military technology to China.
In
2007, Bush informed then–prime minister Ehud Olmert that he would order the
bunker busters for delivery in 2009 or 2010. The Israelis wanted them in 2007.
Obama finally released the weapons in 2009, according to officials familiar
with the secret decision.
James
Cartwright, who served until August as the vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, told Newsweek the military chiefs had no objections to the sale. Rather,
he said there was a concern about “how the Iranians would perceive it” and “how
the Israelis might perceive it.” In other words, would the sale be seen as a
green light for Israel to attack Iran’s secret nuclear sites one day?
Uzi
Rubin, the first director of the Israel Missile Defense Organization from 1991
to 1999, says some of the concerns stemmed from “how you use the bomb, where
you use the bomb. These could be used in civilian areas, because Hamas and
Hizbullah intentionally bury their rockets in villages and towns.”
The
Obama administration also initiated a diplomatic effort to persuade Arab and
Muslim states in the Middle East like Saudi Arabia and Turkey to commit to an
ambitious plan to inter-connect their missile defenses with Israel’s. This
topic is particularly sensitive because most Arab states today have no formal
diplomatic ties with Israel, and those that do have seen a downgrade in
relations since the start of the Arab Spring protests.
Cartwright
described the missile shield this way: “Give them the capability, but make the
capability inter-dependent between more than one state, so if one pulls out it
can never be stronger than the group.”
But
the states being forced into cooperation by Washington are not all playing
nice. An X-band radar is scheduled to be shipped to Turkey by the end of the
year. Yet Turkey’s leaders have threatened not to share data from the radar
with Israel. The White House continues to push back against Ankara. Cartwright
said that another, similar radar would be installed in a Gulf state in the near
future, declining to be more specific.
This
vision of an interconnected missile defense for U.S. allies in the Middle East
started all the way back with Ronald Reagan. But it is Obama who has pushed it
into implementation. “He gets credit,” Cartwright said of Obama. “He is the one
that gave the go-ahead.”
“In
some ways the U.S.-Israel security relationship continues to get stronger with
each new administration,” says Josh Block, the former chief spokesman for the
American Israel Public Affairs Committee. “But this administration, in airing
private disputes and sometimes publicly distancing itself from Israel, has
encouraged Israel’s adversaries to pursue their hostile aims against the Jewish
state.” Obama’s poll numbers among U.S. Jews have plummeted from 83 percent at
the start of his presidency to 54 percent this month.
On
the one hand, there is deep and increasing military support from Obama to
Israel. On the other hand, despite all the military and intelligence
cooperation between the two countries, political distrust lingers. Perhaps at
bottom it stems from Obama’s public rebukes of the building of Israeli homes in
East Jerusalem. No matter what his gifts to the leadership, he is still seen as
no friend of Israel’s.
This article was published in The Newsweek on 25/09/2011
No comments:
Post a Comment