U.S. talk of defeating terrorism is dangerously premature.
By Amy Zegart
U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta speaks to reporters after touring the National September 11 Memorial & Museum in New York on Sept. 6. (Susan Walsh/ AFP / Getty Images)
Talk
of strategically defeating Al Qaeda is all the rage in the White House these days.
Defense Secretary Leon Panetta used the "D-word" in July. President
Obama declared in his new counter-terrorism strategy, "We can say with
growing confidence… that we have put Al Qaeda on the path to defeat."
Compared to the woeful state of the economy, terrorism has become the
administration's feel-good story of the year.
"Defeat"
is a big word. It is also dangerously misleading. Yes, the United States has
made great strides in the last decade to harden targets, improve intelligence
and degrade the capabilities of violent Islamist extremists. Osama bin Laden's
death was a major accomplishment. But the fight is nowhere close to being won,
and America's most perilous times may lie ahead. Three reasons explain why.
The
first is that strategically defeating Al Qaeda is not nearly as important as it
sounds. After 9/11, Al Qaeda morphed into a more complicated, decentralized and
elusive threat consisting of three elements: core Al Qaeda; affiliates or
franchise groups operating in places like Yemen and Somalia with loose ties to
the core group; and homegrown terrorists inspired by violent extremism, often
through the Internet in the comfort of their own living rooms.
Core
Al Qaeda's capabilities started degrading in 2001, when the U.S. invaded
Afghanistan, dismantled training camps, ousted the Taliban and sent Bin Laden
running. The CIA has estimated the core group remaining in the
Afghanistan/Pakistan region to number 50 to 100 fighters. The last time Bin
Laden oversaw a successful operation was 2005, when Al Qaeda struck the London
transit system.
But
plots by homegrowns and franchise groups have risen dramatically in recent
years. The 2009 Ft. Hood shooting, the worst terrorist attack on U.S. soil
since 9/11, was the work of a homegrown terrorist. The "mastermind"
of the 2010 Times Square car bomb plot was a naturalized American citizen
trained by the Pakistani Taliban, not Al Qaeda. Another franchise group, Al
Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, was behind the foiled 2009 Christmas Day
"underwear bomber" aviation plot and the 2010 plot to explode
tampered printer cartridges aboard cargo planes. The Bipartisan Policy Center
reported 11 violent Islamist extremist terrorist incidents against the U.S.
homeland in 2009, the most since 9/11. Nearly all involved what former CIA
Director Mike Hayden calls "a witches' brew" of radicalized Americans
and franchise groups.
The
second reason why talk of defeat is premature has to do with weapons. Terrorism
against Americans is nothing new. The potential for terrorist groups to acquire
weapons of mass destruction is. In 1995, a Japanese cult released sarin nerve
gas in the Tokyo subway, killing 12 people and injuring thousands. It was the
first WMD terrorist attack in modern history, and it sparked a wave of
presidential terrorism commissions years before Bin Laden became a household
name.
It
is this specter of the lone fanatic or small group armed with the world's most
devastating weapons that keeps experts up at night. In 2005, 60 leading nuclear
scientists and terrorism experts were asked how many believed the odds of a
nuclear attack on the U.S. were negligible. Only three or four hands went up;
most were far more pessimistic. Today, there is enough nuclear material to
build 120,000 weapons. As long as fissile material is poorly stored and rogue
states like Iran and North Korea continue their illicit weapons programs,
nuclear terrorism remains a haunting possibility.
The
third reason is that the FBI has not yet become a first-rate domestic
intelligence agency. Analysts, whose work is vital to success, are still
second-class citizens, labeled "support staff" alongside secretaries
and janitors, and passed over for key jobs, including running the bureau's
intelligence units. The FBI's information technology is so antiquated, it
belongs in a museum. And the old crime-fighting culture still lives. There is
now a move afoot to shrink new classified facilities so that agents don't have
to "waste time" away from their cases to read intelligence documents
there.
"Strategically
defeating Al Qaeda" sounds too good to be true. Because it is.
-This Op-Ed was published in Los Angeles Times on 07/09/2011
-Amy Zegart is a senior fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution and the author of "Eyes on Spies: Congress and the United States Intelligence Community."
-Amy Zegart is a senior fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution and the author of "Eyes on Spies: Congress and the United States Intelligence Community."
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