By David Ignatius
If
you’re wondering what diplomats can do in an era of pulverizing military force
and instantaneous communications, consider the case of Robert Ford, the U.S.
ambassador to Syria. He has been meeting with the Syrian opposition around the
country, risking his neck — and in the process infuriating the regime of
President Bashar al-Assad.
Ford
is an example of the free-form diplomacy the United States will need as it
pulls back its troops from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. He’s projecting
American power quietly — through counseling the protesters and networking —
rather than trying to wrap the opposition in the American flag, which would be
the kiss of death for them.
I
spoke with Ford last week by telephone, which is, at the moment, unfortunately
the only way that most U.S. journalists can talk to him. He outlined the basic
advice he has offered in meetings with opposition leaders, which is to remain
peaceful and resist the slide toward sectarian violence.
Ford
summarizes his message this way: “Don’t be violent. That’s crucial. If you do
that, you’re playing into the hands of the government.”
And
yet, as Ford notes, sectarian killing “is certainly on the upswing” in Syria.
It’s a frightening cycle of attack and retaliation, reminiscent of the
Sunni-vs.-Shiite mayhem that enveloped Iraq in 2006. The blood feud here is
between Syria’s Sunni majority and the Alawite minority that has ruled since
Assad’s father took power in 1970.
The
reports are gruesome, from both sides: Syrian security forces are rounding up
dissidents and torturing some of them. Opposition forces have engaged in
reprisal killings. Western and Syrian government sources both say that captured
soldiers are sometimes decapitated, and even dismembered; a few Alawite
captives had their eyes gouged out. Afraid of the spiraling violence, a Syrian
“silent majority” — composed of Sunni business leaders, Christians and some
Alawites — has stayed on the fence.
The
protesters chant “peaceful, peaceful.” But Syrian and U.S. officials both
confirm a recent report in the New York Times that Homs, a city in central
Syria that has been a hotbed of protest, is veering toward civil war, with
checkpoints demarcating the zones of conflict. (For a vivid on-scene
description, look at the three-part series by American freelance journalist Nir
Rosen on al-Jazeera’s Web site. He quotes a protester in Homs: “The West thinks
we are Islamists because we come out of mosques, but it’s the only place people
can gather.”)
Syrian
militants have been claiming they are building a military wing, on the model of
the Libyan revolution, and some even want a NATO no-fly zone. There’s Western
speculation, too, that the Turkish army could create a Benghazi-like sanctuary
along the northern border. But for now, such talk of armed struggle is mostly
fantasy: Assad can still occupy any area in a day, if he needs to.
Ford’s
mission has been to encourage the internal opposition to get its act together
politically. The two strongest groups of street protesters are known as the
“Local Coordination Committees,” headed by a human rights lawyer named Razan
Zeitouneh, and the “General Organization of the Syrian Revolution,” led by
Suhair al-Atassi, the daughter of a prominent political family. The significant
role of these women should help lessen Western worries that this movement is
simply a creature of the Muslim Brotherhood.
What
the Syrian opposition needs is political space in which to mature — and to
develop a unified, nonviolent resistance to Assad. A U.N. Security Council
resolution that might have provided monitors inside the country unfortunately
was vetoed last week by Russia and China.
To
meet the protesters, Ford has taken considerable personal risks. When he defied
the government and bravely traveled to the embattled city of Hama in July, his
vehicle was showered with roses by grateful protesters. But he was pelted with
eggs and tomatoes by a pro-government mob when he visited an opposition leader
in Damascus last month. And the U.S. Embassy itself was attacked by
pro-government thugs in July.
Wherever
he goes, Ford asks practical questions — pressing the activists about
incentives for Syrian business or about reforming the government budget. He
counsels the embattled protesters against military action — which would only
bring on a vicious civil war. He thinks time works against Assad, if protesters
can avoid the trap of sectarian conflict.
It’s
a narrow ledge that Ford is walking. But it’s good to see an American diplomat
in the lead for a change, instead of the U.S. military.
This commentary was published in The Washington Post on 08/10/2011
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